viernes, 30 de diciembre de 2011

"THE TOP TEN EVENTS THAT SHOOK ASIA IN 2011"


The Top Ten Events that Shook Asia in 2011

 The body of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il lies in state at the Kumsusan Memorial Palace in Pyongyang.
The body of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il lies in state at the Kumsusan Memorial Palace in Pyongyang. (KCNA/Courtesy Reuters)
If there were one word to describe Asia in 2011, it would likely be tremors—not only the physical ones that devastated Japan, but also the political ones that reverberated throughout the region shaking India, China, and Thailand, waking up Burma, and further unsettling North Korea.
1.  So Long Earthlings
After a stroke in 2008 and years of poor health, Kim Jung-il was not long for this world. Yet few anticipated that the Dear Leader’s 17-year ruinous reign would end in December 2011 due to the “great mental and physical strain caused by his uninterrupted field guidance tour” while sitting on a train. With his platform shoes, puffy hair, and love of film, he was an easy target for others’ mockery (see Greetings, earthlings, a classic cover from The Economist). Yet he consistently managed to outmaneuver Washington, Beijing, Tokyo, and Seoul—testing nuclear devices, launching missiles, and demanding food and energy aid—all the while impoverishing his country. It is too early to predict whether Kim Jung-un, Kim Jong-il’s inexperienced and untested son and heir, will do anything differently—the rest of the world and the North Korean people, in particular, can only hope.
 2.  Wukan, Wenzhou, and Dalian
People protesting in China should no longer provoke surprise. After all, the country reportedly lodged 180,000 mass demonstrations in 2010 alone. Yet in 2011, three protests, in particular, reminded us of just how varied and challenging these demonstrations can be for Beijing. In July, the crash of a high speed train in Wenzhou in southern China led to a virtual protest on China’s Internet. As the government appeared to try to bury the evidence, cell phone pictures, texts, and tweets made any attempt at a government cover-up futile, embarrassing Beijing and forcing a more transparent investigation of the incident. The following month saw a middle-class march in the prosperous northern city of Dalian over inadequate safeguards at a local Paraxlyene factory. With protestors numbering somewhere between 12,000 (the official number) and 70,000, the government capitulated quickly, agreeing to shut down and relocate the factory. Nothing seems to frighten officials more than a peaceful but committed group of middle-class protestors…except perhaps a radicalized group of rural demonstrators. In December, the small village of Wukancaught the world’s attention as the residents took control of the village, calling for an end to illegal land sales and rigged elections, and an investigation into the suspicious death of one of their leaders. After a week-long standoff, provincial officials negotiated a settlement granting the villagers all their demands. The 2011 take-away for the Chinese people may well be: protest and ye shall receive.
3.  Waking the Middle Class
For much of the year, Anna Hazare held the Indian media and people captive as he pushed Delhi to create an independent anti-corruption agency. Throughout the summer, tens of thousands of Indians joined Hazare’s anti-corruption protests in Delhi, Mumbai, Hyderabad, Bangalore, and elsewhere, upending one of the commonly accepted precepts of Indian politics: the middle class is uninterested in and alienated from political life. After badly mismanaging the protests, briefly arresting Hazare, and detaining over 1,000 of Hazare’s supporters, the government conceded to his demand to create an oversight agency or Lokpal. Hazare has criticized the resulting legislation as too weak, while critics of Hazare argue that the last thing India needs is another massive bureaucracy. No matter the specific outcome of the bill, one thing is certain: Indian politicians can no longer afford to ignore the middle class.
4.  Coming in from the Cold
For pure political drama in 2011, nothing can top Burmese President Thein Sein’s surprising spate of political proposals. He released hundreds of political prisoners, halted construction of the unpopular Chinese-backed Myitsone Dam, initiated political reconciliation with jailed opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, and opened the door to diplomatic discussions with U.S. Secretary of State Clinton. The President has promised more to come in 2012; let’s hope he continues to deliver.
5.  The Hard Landing that Wasn’t…Yet
The second half of 2011 was marked by increasing scrutiny of the Chinese economy, as observers looked for signs that a tipping point had been reached. The bears looked to inflation in wages and food prices, a growing property bubble, local government debt, as well as wasteful central government investment, low consumption, and falling exports. Others were more sanguine about the Chinese leadership’s ability to manage their economy, arguing that the long-term fundamentals were strong even if the country had to endure short-term bumps along the way. Expect the debate to continue through 2012.
 6.  The Pivot
The talk of the summer in Asia was all about “the Pivot.” A growing sense of concern over assertive Chinese rhetoric and naval activities provoked a number of Asian countries to seek deeper engagement with the United States. As America’s involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan wound down, President Obama and his Asia team moved quickly to capitalize on the opportunity to strengthen traditional Asian alliances and forge new ones. In just a few short months, the U.S. achieved a significant upgrade in military relations with Australia, advanced a regional free trade agreement, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), joined the East Asia Summit, and even engaged in a diplomatic dance with Burma. Pivoting will likely turn out to be the easy part; staying the course as U.S. fiscal pressures increase and making real progress on regional trade and security issues will be the true measure of America’s commitment.
7.  The Return of the Shinawatras
Last July, Thailand’s poor and lower classes elected the country’s first female prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra, sister of ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra—an election our colleague Josh Kurlantzick has called perhaps “the most important in the country’s history.” Yingluck has already received criticism for her handling of Thailand’s worst flooding in five decades, but her greatest challenge likely will come next year when her brother Thaksin may return to the country. Deposed in a coup in 2006 and later convicted of corruption, Thaksin remains a politically polarizing figure, intensely disliked by many in the country’s bureaucratic and military elite. How Yingluck manages her brother’s return is not merely a question of smoothing politically roiled waters, but also of her own political fate.
8.  Cyber Crime Takes Center Stage
As the list of cyberattack victims continued to grow in 2011—RSA, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Sony, the IMF, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, among others—cybersecurity expert Dmitri Alperovitch quipped that there were two types of companies: “those that know they’ve been compromised and those that don’t yet know.” Most of the attacks were directed at intellectual property and industrial secrets. While the Obama administration has been reluctant to assign blame, Michigan Representative Mike Rogers and the Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive recently outed Beijing as a major source of the cyber espionage. The question for 2012: if China doesn’t heed this now public criticism, what else is the United States prepared to do?
9.  Ai Weiwei
Beijing’s detention of the artist/activist Ai Weiwei last spring produced a public outcry that refused to die. Ai, whose artwork and political activism have long annoyed Chinese officials, was arrested in April on the grounds of “economic crimes” (later described as a failure to pay taxes). He was released in late June following a worldwide Internet campaign protesting his arrest. In November, Beijing levied a $2.4 million tax bill on Ai. Chinese citizens rose to his defense contributing $1.3 million to help pay the bill—some sending the money via the Internet while others floated bills over Ai’s gated house. The final outcome of Ai’s judicial misadventure remains to be seen. However, as a matter of morality, the Chinese people have already turned a travesty into a triumph.
10.  Japan: A Spring of Devastation
Japan confronted an almost unimaginable set of disasters last March: a 9.0 earthquake—the most powerful in Japan’s history—a tsunami, and a nuclear meltdown. In the face of such horror, several “Japans” quickly emerged: a bureaucratic elite that appeared confused and, in the final analysis, prone to cover-up; the courageous self-defense forces that responded without hesitation to the crisis; and a public that was a model of generosity and self-sacrifice. More than nine months on, the disaster continues to haunt the country with questions remaining as to the success of the clean-up effort, the safety of the country’s food products, the future of its nuclear industry, and the capacity of its government to manage these and other challenges. Still, Japan has weathered worse, and we’ll bet on the fundamental resilience of the Japanese people to ensure their country emerges only stronger for the tragedy that they have endured.
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"ONE YEAR OF ·ARAB SPRING· UPHEAVALS"


Issue Guide: One Year of 'Arab Spring' Upheavals

December 12, 2011

Authors:
Jonathan Masters, Associate Staff Writer
Aimee Rawlins


On December 17, 2010, street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in the Tunisian town of Sidi Bouzid, an act of protest that would galvanize the Arab world and roil the region in a succession of civilian uprisings. The following materials provide expert analysis and essential background on the central issues facing the region as this upheaval passes the one-year mark. [For more on the revolutions in the Middle East, read the eBook: The New Arab Revolt: What Happened, What It Means, and What Comes Next.]
The Region
Arab Spring
This engaging interactive traces the Arab Spring protests and regime responses from December 17, 2010, to the present.
Arab Spring
Even amid possibly historic upheaval in the Middle East, U.S. foreign policy is correctly refocusing on East Asia and the Pacific, says CFR President Richard N. Haass.
Arab Spring
Tyrants have fallen in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, but the countries must now forge constitutions to formalize democratic governments, writes Anthony Billingsley, and there's a risk that the drafters could dodge the very rules they're trying to create.
Arab Spring
Underlying the protest movements are nagging budget issues. U.S. economic aid to Egypt and Tunisia is welcome, but the impact and duration is uncertain in a U.S. climate chilling on foreign aid, says CFR's Isobel Coleman.
Arab Spring
Paul Pillar challenges the "common" Western fear that Islamists will hijack the aspiring Arab democracies in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, citing "three basic problems with this outlook."
Arab Spring
The electoral success of Egypt's Salafis is a dangerous development; their literal interpretation of sharia, hatred of non-Muslims, and excommunication of Muslims can lead to violent extremism, writes CFR's Ed Husain.
Arab Spring
The Arab uprisings have not achieved the outcomes the West has hoped for, writes Daniel Byman. "When dictators fall," he notes, "their means of preserving power do not necessarily fall with them."
Arab Spring
This poll assessed Arab public opinion on issues tied to the Arab Spring. A majority of those polled are ready for a two-state solution with Israel based on 1967 borders. U.S. favorability increased from 10 percent in 2010 to 26 percent in 2011.
Arab Spring
The Arab League has struggled to overcome dysfunction and disunity among its members, but the Arab revolts of 2011 offer the League a new opportunity to pursue necessary reforms, increase legitimacy, and prove its relevance.
Tunisia
Arab Spring
Rachid Al-Ghannouchi, co-founder of leading political party Ennahda, speaks in favor of women's rights and religious freedom and attributes Ennahda's success to its inclusive platform. "The state has no business in people's personal choices," he says.
Arab Spring
With the historic inauguration of the Constituent Assembly, Tunisians will have the opportunity to put political and social theory into practice, writes Intissar Kherigi.
Arab Spring
In Egypt and Tunisia, women are both hopeful and fearful about what the Arab revolutions might mean for them. But as constitutions are being rewritten, women hope to push their own liberation.
Egypt
Arab Spring
Pre-election violence rocked Tahrir Square but began to dissipate after the vote. Washington should not be fooled by the renewed peace and should demand a transfer of power to a civilian government, write Marc Lynch and CFR's Steven Cook.
Arab Spring
The United States should realize the new Egypt will be less amenable to its demands regardless of who gains power, writes Geneive Abdo.
Arab Spring
The anti-government protests in Egypt will mean a greater political role for the Muslim Brotherhood, but debate persists over whether the Islamist group will choose a path of moderation or extremism.
Arab Spring
The Islamists' lead in parliamentary polls has aroused concerns over Egypt's democratic future. But the real threat, says CFR's Ed Husain, comes from secular elites who prefer the former autocratic regime or military rule over elected Islamists.
Arab Spring
A worsening of Egyptian-Israeli relations will threaten regional stability and jeopardize Egypt's transition to democracy. Egypt's military rulers must be careful to keep anti-Israel rhetoric from spiraling out of control, writes Daniel C. Kurtzer.
Arab Spring
Wendell Steavenson unpacks the current tensions in Egypt's democratic transition, highlighting the unfolding dynamic between the Muslim Brotherhood, Salafi hardliners, liberals, and the military leadership.
Arab Spring
Egypt's revolution is the latest chapter in a longtime struggle for greater democratic freedoms. CFR's Steven A. Cook identifies the lessons that Egypt's emerging leadership must learn from the Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak regimes.
Libya
Arab Spring
Post-Qaddafi Libya will face difficulties with rebel infighting and the anger of Qaddafi loyalists, but the dictator's death also creates an opening for a more peaceful country. CFR's Richard Haass, Ed Husain, and Ray Takeyh weigh Libya's prospects.
Arab Spring
Qaddafi's defeat at the hands of Western-backed rebels was a triumph for Obama and the principle of humanitarian intervention. It's unlikely to be repeated any time soon, writes CFR's Stewart Patrick.
Arab Spring
Libyans should be allowed to choose whether they want to try members of the Qaddafi regime in their own courts, argues CFR's John B. Bellinger III.
Arab Spring
The instability in Libya could lead to a humanitarian disaster, a new authoritarian ruler, or even the country's dissolution. Daniel Serwer recommends in this CPA Contingency Planning Memo that the EU lead a post-Qaddafi stabilization force in Libya.
Arab Spring
Muammar al-Qaddafi betrayed his own revolution, just as the other Arab strongmen of his generation had, writes CFR's Mohamad Bazzi. His death marks the end of the rule of these old-style nationalist leaders.
Syria
Arab Spring
Throughout the year, Assad relied on Iran and Russia to block international intervention, hoping to buy time to quash the protests without interference. It's not working, writes Tony Badran, but he has no other options.
Arab Spring
The Arab League's decision to impose sanctions on the regime of Bashar al-Assad shows its emergence as a regional actor in the Middle East and is a welcome development, writes CFR's Robert Danin.
Arab Spring
In this Center for Preventive Action memo, Elliott Abrams argues that the United States should work to bring down Assad by isolating his regime from Syria's Alawite and business communities.
Arab Spring
Syria is in its most dangerous stage, says this International Crisis Group brief. The global community and Syrian opposition have been ignoring issues that must be addressed, including Syria-Lebanon ties and the protest movement's militarization.
Arab Spring
Syria faces increasing international sanctions for its bloody crackdown against protesters. The crises facing Bashar al-Assad are unprecedented, but the regime doesn't appear to be giving in, says CFR's Mohamad Bazzi.
Yemen
Arab Spring
Yemen is experiencing serious political turmoil after more than three decades of President Ali Abdullah Saleh's autocratic rule. To help stabilize Yemen, Gregory Johnsen argues that U.S. policy must include more than counterterrorism efforts.
Arab Spring
Despite President Saleh signing a power-transfer agreement, the threat of civil war is growing, write Tom Finn and Atiaf al-Wazir, noting that renewed violence between the north and south would be bad for Western interests and could embolden militant groups.
Arab Spring
A resurgent al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula is exploiting the mounting political unrest in Yemen. U.S. counterterrorism operations continue to intensify against its members.



Weigh in on this issue by emailing CFR.org.



"FOR THE WORLD'S BAD GUYS, 2011 WAS A DANGEROUS YEAR"


For the World’s Bad Guys, 2011 Was a Dangerous Year

Author:
Richard N. Haass, President, Council on Foreign Relations
December 22, 2011
Washington Post
This was a bad year for bad guys. Departing the political scene — or departing the scene altogether — were Osama bin Laden, North Korea's "Dear Leader," Kim Jong Il, and a trio of Arab leaders: Tunisia's Zine el-Abidine ben Ali, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Libya's Moammar Gaddafi.
There isn't much tying these farewells together. Bin Laden, who was killed by U.S. Navy SEALS in Pakistan in May, died of what might be described as unnatural but unsurprising causes. Kim, meanwhile, died of a heart attack last week but had been in failing health after a stroke several years ago. Both men could have died at any point in the past several years — 2011 just happened to be their time.
The Arab leaders, by contrast, all lost their positions (or lives) on account of unique political circumstances. They were turned out by their own citizens in a sort of intifada, a casting off, wrought by collective humiliation and frustration linked to a lack of political voice and economic opportunity.
It was not so much about a lone Tunisian fruit seller whose suicide launched a regional revolt or about social media as an organizational tool for revolution. The honest answer is that historical change occurs when sparks come into contact with kindling. World War I would have erupted absent the assassination of the Archduke Ferdinand, and the Vietnam War would no doubt have started absent an incident in the Gulf of Tonkin. Any spark will do when there is enough dry wood. After decades of misrule, the Middle East was ripe for change.
The more relevant question is less "Why did it happen?" than "So what?" What difference will all these departures make? Looking back, 2011 was a year of great transition — but not of transformation.
In the case of Bin Laden, the answer is that not much will change. Even before he was killed, the al-Qaeda leader had been overtaken by events. Those gathering in the public squares of Cairo and other Middle Eastern cities were not inspired by him or his terrorism organization. He was a destroyer, not a creator, his death more milestone than turning point. Nihilism is not the stuff of legacy.
The decentralization that characterizes today's terrorism means that, beyond Bin Laden, others will carry on the funding, planning and execution of terrorist acts for years and possibly decades to come — or until terrorism loses its legitimacy and governments and societies stop supporting it and tolerating it.
Kim leaves behind an anachronistic Stalinist state. In the short run, it is unclear whether his son will be able to consolidate power — or whether he will resort to violence against South Korea in an effort to do so. If he does, he will be taking an enormous risk, as it is all but certain that South Korea would retaliate militarily.
The bigger question is the fate of North Korea. The country is a relic with an army and nuclear weapons and little else other than a long-suffering population. China, a critical source of fuel and food, as well as the gateway for much of North Korea's trade, will be the key factor that determines the country's future. China fears that instability in the North could lead to a flood of refugees into China and conflict on the peninsula. Even more, Chinese leaders fear the unification of Korea under the control of Seoul and within the U.S. security orbit. So they are likely to continue to prop up North Korea even while encouraging restraint and a degree of economic reform.
And what of those Arab countries that have rid themselves of their authoritarian rulers? It would help here to jettison the phrase "Arab Spring." Spring is a three-month-long season of renewal, but what is going on in the Arab world probably will require decades to unfold, and it is far from inevitable that what comes will be welcome.
As difficult as it can be to oust a repressive regime, it is far harder to put something better and enduring in its place. History is replete with deposed leaders whose immediate or ultimate successors were as bad or worse. The Soviets who succeeded the czars come to mind; so, too, do the ayatollahs who came after the shah in Iran. For all the flaws of the ousted, it is hard if not impossible to argue that the alternative left the country's citizens or neighbors better off.
Iraq's experience also suggests caution. Saddam Hussein's overthrow led to sectarianism and civil war. Things have calmed, but Iraq's future remains up in the air. In no way is it assured that the country will become normal. Just as easy to imagine are renewed sectarian strife, authoritarian rule, or simply a dysfunctional country characterized by sporadic violence and a weak central government.
We don't know if this will happen in those Middle Eastern countries that finally overthrew their longtime rulers in 2011. Tunisia has carried out relatively fair and peaceful parliamentary elections with a strong showing by Islamist parties; how they will rule is unclear. Libya has the challenge of building national institutions where none existed. Complicating the future are tribal frictions and the availability of weapons; making prospects more promising is the potential for oil revenue.
Egypt will be the most important test. It is home to more than a quarter of the Arab world and serves as a model that Sunnis everywhere look to. Right now it is clear that Islamists of various stripes will dominate its politics, even as the military is reluctant to relinquish its power or privilege. The young liberals who helped start the political upheavals have little sway. The economy is deteriorating rapidly, given the loss of tourism and investment along with the continuing unrest.
Certainly, democracy for the region is a worthy goal. But outsiders would be wise to place at least as much emphasis on protecting and establishing the prerequisites of democracy — the rule of law, a constitution with true checks and balances, robust civil society, open markets — as they do on elections. The U.S. government should make clear what a close relationship with Washington requires in the realm of foreign policy, including the necessity that any new government actively oppose terrorism and demonstrate a willingness to live in peace with Israel. U.S. officials and observers should underscore these priorities and not hold back criticism when justified; aid should be made conditional on implementing and then respecting specific political and economic reforms.
All of which argues for keeping the champagne on ice. A future of continued global terrorism; a closed and militarist North Korea; and an intolerant, illiberal Middle East could still materialize — and would be all too familiar. Alternatively, the future could turn out to be both different and better, but it will take more than a change at the top to make that happen.
Richard N. Haass is the president of the Council on Foreign Relations and a former director of policy planning at the State Department. He is the author of "War of Necessity, War of Choice: A Memoir of Two Iraq Wars."